000 | nam | |
001 | 2210080120318 | |
005 | 20140708134426 | |
008 | 960106s1985 bnk FB 000 kor | |
040 | ▼a221008 | |
082 | ▼a320.952▼219 | |
100 | ▼a박웅진 | |
245 | 00 | ▼a美國의 初期對日占領政策과 天皇制 파시즘의 解體에 관한 硏究=▼x(A)Study on the U.S. initial occupation policy to Japan and the disorganization of the emperor system fascism /▼d朴雄鎭. |
260 | ▼a부산 :▼b東亞大學校,▼c1985. | |
300 | ▼a169p. ;▼c26cm. | |
502 | ▼a학위논문(박사) :▼b東亞大學校 大學院 :▼c政治學科,▼d`86년 2월. | |
520 | ▼b영문초록 : Ever since the Liberation 40 years ago and the Normalization of the Korea-Japan Diplomatic Relations 20 years ago, Korea and Japan have been 'near but far countries' due to the distorted feelings which still remind us of the relations between the torturer and the tortured through the bitter and unhappy historical experience. Yet, the Korea-Japan relations are assuming an aspect closer than ever not only in politics, economics and cultures but in military affairs, whether we like it or not. Therefore, the establishment of the good-will relations between the two countries are to be desired and for this purpose both the nationalistic feelings and the errotional prejudices should be mutually put to an end, and at the same time the range of the mutual recognition and understanding should be should be enlarged from a new viewpoint. This dissertation is an attempt to have a right understanding of the present Japanese politics the problem of which is raised from this viewpoint through the analysis of the democratization reform in the early U.N. occupation of Japan -in reality the U.S. one. The reform was the formation of the origin of the post-war Japanese politics, and its characteristics were the disorganization of the Emperor system fascism, the pre-war Mikado government pattern. The analysis here is done with regard to the initial U.S. occupation policy and is intended for its significance and its limitations. This dissertation is composed of seven chapters. The first chapter, followed by the main body, is the introduction of the formation process of the Emperor system fascism, the pre-war government pattern. Chapter two deals with 'The U.S. Initial Policy regarding Japan' which is the archetypal plan for the democratization reform in postwar Japan. It covers the probelm of when, where, and by what agency, or by whom was the plan made, especially the plan for the imperial system during the war and the principal objectives of occupation policy. Chapter three examine a failure in war which collapsed the Emperor System and the process of the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. It also traces who brought the war to an end among the ruling class in order to find out the source of the main stream of political power in post war Japan. In chapter four, the process of the U.N. occupation of Japan and the features of the organization and pattern of the occupation are examined. Chapter five deals with the process by which the imperial fascism and the political and economic foundation collapsed under a series of directions given by the occupation army authorities in accordance with the U.S. Initial Occupation Policy toward Japan which in turn had as the principles of policy its basis on the Potsdam Declaration. Chapter six elucidates the process in the establishment and its characteristic system of the New Constitution of Japan which was legal and institutional basis for the archetype of the post-war Japanese politics, that is the democratization reform. Chapter seven which is the part of the conclusion will give light on the historical significance and its limitations inherent in the democratization reform of post war Japan. Unlike German and Italy as the Axis powers, Japan surrendered without any shaking of the ruling class to the last hour maintaining her ancient ruling regime, though jingoists were exterminated. The regime was protected as the ruling powers. In addition, the compromise between Japan and the U.S. that the Mikado system might survive and be made use of, enabled her to get a chance to the political restoration, which cannot be ruled out because Japan showed neither repentance nor responsibility for having bringing on war. But the reform may as well be called 'Bloodless Revolution of Democracy' in the sense that it totally changed the structure of nation and society comparable with the Meiji Reform, through this new reform which could not be accomplished by her independent ability was carried out according to the directions of Occupation Powers The reform deprived the emperor of the sovereign power, as a result the political status of the Mikado was reduced to the symbolical one. At the same time the principle of the sovereign power by the people was declared and the post-war democracy was established legally and systematicaly as a consequence of the abolition of the emperor's privilege of economics and of the declaration of war. Now, Japan rests on her solid foundation as a democracy, enjoying the advocacy of the basic human rights and the principles of democracy. But we must prepare ourselves against the potential revival of the militaristic emperor system in Japan as long as the pre-war leadership continues as a ruling group of post war powers without self-examination and criticism of the war and her history and their unique familial life feeling among the Japanese lurks in their consciousness. | |
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856 | ▼adonga.dcollection.net▼uhttp://donga.dcollection.net/jsp/common/DcLoOrgPer.jsp?sItemId=000002144687 | |
950 | 0 | ▼aFB |
965 | ▼a정치사▼z일본 |
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